छूटता बंधन-2

यह ब्लॉग हिंदी के दो पत्रकारों के प्रोत्साहन से ही लिख पाया। एक मेरे ही शहर के रहने वाले तथा दुसरे ने इंग्लिश ट्वीट पढ़ना बंद करने की घोषणा की है।  त्रुटियाँ भाषा की और भावनाओ का  कमज़ोर प्रवाह  तो इस layman ब्लॉगर को भी स्पष्ट हैं ,फिर भी इन दोनों कि भेट। 

"भाषा का उपयोग और भारतीय  चुनाव " , विषय पर लेख तो पत्रकार और विश्लेशक तो लिखेंगे ही।
चुनाव दर चुनाव ,भाषा का बदलाव तो मेरे  जैसे "खाकसार" वोटर भी महसूस कर रहे है। शिखण्डी , पच्चास करोड़ , मौत  का सौदागर , खून  की  खेती  आदि  आदि तो इन विश्लेस्को और पत्रकारो की मस्तिस्क से भी परे निकला। ये विवाद का विषय हमेशा से रहा की नेताओं के भाषण में पत्रकारों और विश्लेस्को  का कितना योगदान रहता है। सामाजिक , आर्थिक  और  व्यवहारिक  परिस्तिथियाँ तो मायने रखती ही है।

मुआफी की चर्चा भी  चुनाव के सन्दर्भ  में काफी जोरों पर है। समुदाय विशेष की तुष्टिकरण भी एक मुद्दा है।
जातिगत राजनीति कि आवश्यकता  तो हम जैसे भी समझ पाते है। छेत्रीय उन्माद उकसा कर वोट बैंक का विस्तार भी पिछले दो दशको से काफी चर्चा में है। भिन्न भिन्न प्रकार के विभाजन वाले हथकण्डे कुछ नया  ध्रुवीकरण  करने  में निश्चित रूप से समर्थ है।  राजनीति विभाजन का नया जरिया तलाश रही है।  जात ,धर्म, छेत्र के परे कुछ नया खोज लेगी ,यह कहना कोई अतिश्योक्तिी न हो।

हमारी ये परिपक्य सोच कि सामाजिक सौहार्द की चिंता सिर्फ हम जैसे अध्-कचरे ज्ञान वालों तक आकर थम जाती है विरोधाभास से लिप्त है। ये सोच स्वः घोषित  अभिजात्य वर्ग में ज्यादा बहस कराती है किंतु  समाज के सब तकबो में सामान रूप  से इसकी विवेचना होती है।

ज्ञान बाबू  चौक पर भी होती थी। बढ़ चढ़ कर हिस्सा लेते थे मोहम्मद जान चा और महेसर चा , या यूँ कह लीजिए की सूत्रधार थे कई विवेचनाओं के। रिक्श्ा वाले ,दिहाड़ी मज़दूर ,पास में रहने वाले टमटम वाले, बैंड वाले ,दुध बेचकर गाँव की तरफ लौटते हुए "राय जी ", गोपाल शाह उच्च विद्द्यालय के शिक्षक ,दफ्तरों से घर लौटते हुए मुलाजिम   कुछ  क्षण के लिए तुलसी की चाय दुकान पर रुक कर इन दो मित्रों की विवेचना  बहस को सुनते थे।  निठल्लो  की तो बात छोड़िये ,उनका तो अड्डा ही पास में था। उनकी जमात तो वही मड़राते थी जैसे महेसर चा और उनके सरीखे कुछ लोग शमाँ हो और ये निठल्ले परवाने। आज न जाने क्यूँ  उत्तर मिलता सा प्रतीक होता है कि तुलसी कुढ़ता तो बहुत था इस मजलिस से  पर प्रतिवाद क्यूँ ना करता था। ये समझ लेना जरूरी की इन दो महानुभावो से उसकी बिक्री में चार चाँद लगे , ऐसा न होता था। हाँ कुछ और लोग  अपना काम अकाज करके मज्मा बनाये रखते।

सभ्रांत व्यक्ति गण जब आठ -एक बजे शाम में घर के लिए  निकलने लगते तब एक अलग तरह की चहलकदमी दिखती। हेनरी बाज़ार व गुदड़ी बाज़ार के सोने -चाँदी के आभूषण व्यापारी और कपड़ा के थोक व्यापारी ,जो देर शाम तक दुकान खुला नहीं रख सकते  चौक पर अपनी उपस्तिथि जत्ता देते। ज्ञान बाबु चौक पर चार -पाँच होटल भी है। महेसर चा भी दो एक दिन में वहाँ बैठकी लगाते। मेरे शहर कि "ताश " मशहूर है। सामिष  पकवान है , गोश्त की , मय पसंद लोगों की खूब भाती  है। " बिसनाथ जी की ताश की  दुकान के नए नए संस्करण मिल जायेंगे पुराने शहर में।  गुदड़ी बाज़ार और मिस्कौट के पास वाली ओरिजिनल दुकान उनका भतीजा चलाता है।

ताश घरों में नहीं बनायीं जाती , छोटे होटलो में ही बेची जाती है। गोश्त को सुबह मसालो से मैरिनेट किया जाता है और शाम में मटन की चर्बी में ही भुना जाता है। भोजन प्रेमी ये प्रमाणित कर देंगे  कि बगैर तेल,प्याज अदरख ,लहसुन के माँस बनाना एक कला के बराबर ही है। मैंने चम्पारण के अलावा कही "ताश " बिकते हुए नहीं देखा है ना ही उस तरह की विधि से मटन बनते सुना है।

बगडू भाई भी शामिल होते थे। नाम तो वैसे लल्लन प्रसाद था पर चम्पारण में मूक-वघिर को ज्यादातर 'बागड़ ' ही बोलते है। ऐसे लोगों की संख्या काफी थी चम्पारण में  , गोइटर (घेघा ) से पीड़ित। आयोडीन के आभाव में ये रोग एक महामारी सा था। आयोडाइसेड नमक के इस्तेमाल और खेसारी ( ग्रास पी,लेग्यूम ) दाल के इस्तेमाल  पर रोक लगाने से अब इस  महामारी रुपी बीमारी का प्रकोप कम हुआ है। लथरईस्म एक अलग प्रकोप था इस दाल का।
Lathyrism is a neurological condition, a form of spastic disease ,  victims suffer paralysis in the lower limbs. Presently, the disease is reported to be prevalent in India, Bangladesh and Ethiopia. The consumption of the Khesari was banned in 1961 as it was believed that  a neurotoxic amino-acid in the legume, is responsible for Lathyrism. However, there is no ban on sale of Khesari dal in Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra and West Bengal.

महेसर चा के हम निवाला, जान चा हम प्याला कभी कभार ही होते पर हर मजलिस में हाज़िरी जरूर लगाते और अपने मित्र कि मय की मात्रा पर नज़र जरूर रखते। पुराने खिलाडी थे महेसर चा ,नशे में  कभी लड़खड़ाते ,चिल्लाते  या बदज़बानी करते हुए न देखा या सुना था। तुलसी ने बताया था कि जगत -प्रश्थान के दो दिन पहले भी सदाव्रत बैठकी लगी थी ,कुछ मुफ़्त्खोर निठल्लो के साथ।

नब्बे के दशक के शुरुवात में जब पूरे उत्तर भारत में राजनीतिक ध्रुवुकरण का उन्माद अपनी प्रकाष्ठा पर था तो चौक पर एक ख़ास समुदाय के लोगो का आना जाना चौक पर कम हो गया था। ऐसे भी में ये दोनों मित्र राजनीति या धार्मिक बहस से न घबराते थे। तुलसी बताता है कि जितना भद्दा मजाक एक दुसरे के समुदाय पर ये दो विश्लेषज्ञ करते थे उससे चौक का माहौल बिगड़ने का खतरा बन जाता। संस्कृत के गोपाल शाह विद्यालय के मास्साब दोनों पर भकुटी तानते पर दोनों मानते कहाँ थे। एक बार दोनों से इस विषय में पूछा तो जान चा ने कहा भाई तुम जैसो कि सोचने की शक्ति हमसे ज्यादा है  पर हमारी मेंटल (दिमागी) फ्यूज का रेटिंग अम्पारीएज ज्यादा है।

Misplaced Democratic Reforms

The  supervision of election of local bodies of governance is vested with the State Election Commission. The state makes available  staff as may be necessary for the discharge of the functions conferred . It is left to The legislature of state to make laws and provisions for election of local bodies.

Different states have enacted their own provisions for the local body elections while keeping the essence of representation of weaker sections and tenure of the bodies.
Expenditure limit  of municipal elections has a wide variation in different sates. Though also related to socio-economic and level of urbanization, there seems to huge variance.  In Odisha  For NACs and municipalities with a population of up to 50,000, a candidate can spend a maximum of Rs 30,000. In case of municipalities with a population between 50,000 and 1 lakh, the maximum expenditure is Rs 40,000, while in areas with more than 1 lakh people, a candidate can spend Rs 50,000. While in Maharashtra  The expenditure limit for candidates contesting elections to the Bombay Municipal Corporation (BMC) has been increased to Rs 5 lakh. The expenditure limit for Pune, Pimpri Chinchwad, Thane, Nashik and Navi Mumbai civic bodies has been raised to Rs 4 lakh . The expenditure limit for those contesting the Zilla parishad elections has been increased to Rs 3 lakh .
Arguments can be put forth that raising the limits allows a level playing field in run up to elections in a locality . 

The larger question pertaining however is that if raising limit is the only solution. The amount involved is certainly a deterrent for many in the weaker or weakest sections of the society. State Funding of  candidates has been doing the rounds for long in India. The local body elections can be the best laboratory to experiment.A good beginning would be to fund in kind by the state the Genuine Candidates with a certain number of recommendation by the local populace .
Even in case of no state funding  ,the expenditure limits can be monitored strictly after rationalization of the limit of expenditure.

NOTA(Non of the Above)  selection being provided in EVMs by the Election Commission is a certainly a good omen .  Provision for Re-election with barring of the contesting candidates of the first exercise if percentage of vote for NOTA is more than a prescribed limit is a logical step forward. The local body elections can  provide ideal field for application of  this election reform.

Other reforms like right to recall can be best experimented at levels where the number of electorates is the minimum.  The ‘political will’ for such reforms will be more forthcoming than at provincial of national level.  Slightly more stringent rules regards disqualification on criminal grounds than in assembly or parliament elections can be enacted in local elections.

The level of personal contact between the candidates and the electorate in local body elections touches the highest level of direct contact. It sometimes  leads to direct bribing or intimidation to voters. It remains an area where educating voter seems to be the only way forward.  Publishing of the affidavit by the candidates regards their wealth and criminal cases pending against them at the polling booth during the Campaign can be one of the measures to stop the menace.


More is needed to be done  in terms of making public the distribution of votes polled. Sections of people based on micro locality seem to have genuine grievance of neglect of the locality in terms of implementation. With technology available the publishing of votes polled can be jumbled to keep the necessary secrecy of ballot. The experiment of mixing of ballots earlier done during counting of votes was successful . It can be replicated with little use of software.

One can not stop wondering when the self claimed apostles of public movements ,chest beaters on erosion of  Democratic norms  do not raise the issue of reforms at local bodies. Many of these  champions of democracy believe in stopping the rot at top with ulterior motive of  attention and funds.

Much debatable reform of  removing political party allegiance in local body elections can be deliberated as next step.


However for most of these to happen the State Election Commission will be need to be strengthened. Permanent staffing instead of deputation should be the order of the day. The independence in functioning of State Election Commissions is often questioned by the parent body. Lateral entries , new posts  and much more is needed to be done before reforms  if  applied can give fruits..

Another Addition to Irrational View on Mohalla Panchayats

The reasons listed for the seventy third and seventy fourth amendments of the  Constitution  1992 have lamented on  the failures of deep rooting of Democracy in form of  functioning of Panchayati Raj and Municipalities . The amendment recognizes the the fact Article 40  has not been enforced and implemented. The article 40 which states “The State shall take steps to organize village Panchayats and endow them with such powers and authority as may be necessary to enable them to function as units of self-government.”

The amendments while accepting failure go further in giving various proposals and modalities related to it. The amendments of 1992 go in further defining the roles of third level of Governance viz a viz the second level with regards to authority, devolution of powers and financial implication of decentralization.

One aspect on which both the amendments are silent upon is the reason of failure in implementation of Article 40 or self Governance. With all due respect to our peers of democracy, it seems that some ready made solution is being implemented without the diagnosis. Even the symptoms related to the malaise do not seem to be deliberated upon. Any student of any art or science in the present era will find it revolting way of solution.

Out of eighteen indicator to be addressed under NRDMS (Natural Resources Data Management System) under the twelfth schedule,  some require huge investment and other technical inputs which can’t be done by Nagar Panchayats, municipalities or even corporations.  For example Fire Services listed as seventh of the functional domain of Urban local bodies  needs technical expertise on regular basis , huge investment ,regular supervision . Similar is required for water supply, Public health,Sanitation,Poverty alleviation .  Authority without  responsibility is a catchy proverb but urban local bodies also seem to suffer from" Authority without Knowledge."

Some the activities listed in the scheduled can be transferred to smaller units of local governance or the Mohalla Sabhas . Handling of “Provision of Public amenities and facilities” can be experimented in this regard with little fuss and effort .  Part of revenue can be shared between the Mohalla Sabhas or Samitis and the third layer of local governance.  The requirement of  Public amenities in the locality can be best ascertained by the micro units of governance. Similarly  with a little inputs like training and continuous communication between the Sabhas and Municipalities , part of land use and construction of small buildings can be partially off loaded. Even in the registration of death and birth these micro units can be of great help to municipalities.

With some of it’s  far flung responsibilities transferred , the municipalities will gain in terms of efficiency  and can concentrate on the larger issues plaguing our urban and semi urban areas. However it will be temporary measures.

The central government  and Judiciary must be applauded in their effort in ensuring that elections are held in time and for reservation on basis of Gender and Scheduled Castes and Tribes. The reluctance of power sharing to the third tier of governance  by the legislative assemblies was immense however the Center and the Courts stood firm. Some fruits of the power sharing can be seen in the recent pasts in sewage treatment plans , water harvesting schemes of some municipalities  Much more is needed. Most state governments have still  not transferred some powers to the local governments. Nor have they been given adequate resources.

 The long term solution must flow from the up keepers of the Constitution. The Parliament must take the lead in this regard. Reasons of limitations and problems facing the local bodies should be revisited by the legislature and executive.

The dynamics of Indian Migration , though a complex phenomenon should be considered in defining ward and ward committees  Mohalla Sabhas can  form the basic  level of Democratic units in Urban areas. These Sabhas can be the base in deciding the level of  migration from rural areas . The needs of the locality base on influx should be looked into.

Another need of hour seems to be the resource crunch faced by these municipalities. Small entrepreneurs should encouraged in People Public Participation at micro level.  Avenues like FM radio based on broader principle as decided by Center can be revenue generator for municipalities. It can strengthen the Information system, Traffic and Policing within the Urban locality.

The  micro  election within these Mohalla Sabhas can be introduced at a later stage to enhance the self governance as desired in Article 40.

An Irrational View on Defining Poverty Line

The blog is dedicated to a Media person  of repute who spared his time to inspire. The blogger is well aware of the incoherence in the piece ,Still dedicates his crude attempt .

The most common methods used to define poverty line is based on income or consumption levels. A minimum level of food requirement,clothing ,footwear, clothing,light,educational and medical requirement are determined for subsistence.

A different set of measures by social scientist was forced into the simplistic approach in Seventies and Eighties. Indicators like literacy levels, lack of general resistance due to malnutrition, lack of access to healthcare and to safe drinking water,sanitation and lack of opportunities were suggested. However much critical terms like social exclusion and vulnerability were not paid ample attention in drawing of poverty line.

Till date the poverty line “quantified as a number” is a vague measurement in itself. It does not capture other aspects related to poverty — ill health, low educational attainments, geographical isolation, ineffective access to law, powerlessness in civil society and other social disadvantages.

Based on consumer behavior in 1973-74 it was estimated that, on an average, consumer expenditure of Rs.49 per capita per month was associated with a calorie intake of 2400 per ca pita per day in rural areas and Rs.57 per capita per month with a calorie intake of 2100 per day in urban areas. It was opinion-ed that since people in rural areas engage more in physical work hence the difference. The concept of poverty line used here was partly normative and partly behavioral  The norm calorie requirement, does not seek to measure the nutritional status, incidence of undernourishment or under-nourishment in the population.

Till date the poverty line “quantified as a number” on the basis of 1973-74 consumption pattern is an of example of  vague measurement. It does not capture other aspects related to poverty — ill health, low educational attainments, geographical isolation, ineffective access to law, powerlessness in civil society and other social disadvantages.

Nor does this take into account the cost of communication , both individual and mass.

Any Media person worth his salt will argue that a minimum expenditure of Rs. 500 per family of four or five will be needed in the times we live in and for one of the few times the mass in general will agree wholeheartedly with media. Cost of transportation, cost of cooking and other miscellaneous cost seem to have been lost in the din.

Cost of Social and cultural obligations and indebtedness are a far away vision to be expected from our planners even in near future.

The difference between data collected by NSSO (National Sample Survey Organization  and National Accounts Statistics have always been different and the difference has been increasing over the years.

One wonders why the Planning department and survey organization of Center or Uttarakhand have any data related to what natural calamity can do to people leaving below poverty line.

A systematic approach would be to arrange the basis of definition of poverty line in public domain.  At minimum the basic requirements can be deliberated upon , and be defined and then be converted at consumer price index again in public domain and multiplied by a factor depending on geographical divisions and another factor for an estimated inflation till the next exercise is carried.

Otherwise meals at Rs. 15 and jugglery of data will be the motive and not alleviation…

Re Organization of States annoncé Guha

Formation of the twenty ninth state of Telangana has been a roller coaster sentimental ride for more than 11 crores of the region  It certainly could have been resolved in a more amicable manner. The feeling of the party which feels aggrieved and alienated could be assuaged in a better manner than done. Political compulsions have made the bifurcation more painful and rhetorical rabble rousing.

In 1947, the boundaries of several old States of India were changed in order to create new States. This was mostly on linguistic grounds. However some States were created not on the basis of language but to recognize differences based on culture, ethnicity or geography. The States Reorganization Commission implementation and reluctance by senior leaders to accept it and the benefits it gave on account of Federalism has been dealt with aptly by historians like Mr. Ramchandra Guha.

Modern political social analysts have cited better implantation and decentralized administration and as benefits of Smaller States. Removal of Economic disparity and removal of alienation are harped upon by the champions of Federalism.

Most of these arguments hold their forte in elms of strengthening of democracy and respect for diversity or plurality.

The issue of smaller states have however acquired some new dimensions in recent past. New dimensions of corruption, disenchantment of masses with the political class and increasing gap between the referred two have cropped up.

Formation and the functioning of small states in recent times has brought these new three dimensional to the fore. With small assemblies in vague , a group of rogue legislators can hold the provincial government to ransom. In an Assembly of two digit strength, MLAs in single digit make the political scenario fluid. The price of Governance in these small states is negotiated in terms of Crores and ministerial berths to state the minimum. The nuisance created by a small group of legislators can cause more damage to institutions of Democracy in small states is evident.

An independent MLA becoming the Chief Minister of a State in recent past and tales of money-laundering and  properties in a disproportionate assets against him and  his alleged associates is folklore now .The ex Chief Minister was well supported by  five political parties and three independents ,all three of whom  made Ministers. His rule of two years aided in moving the state to verge of financial crisis. When formed, the State was one of the two surplus budget state. Nearly similar imprudent financial scenario prevails in smaller states.

The streamlining of administration occurred on account of small administrative units is a mirage. The lack of preparedness by smaller states in face of last year’s natural calamity has further cast doubts on the administrative efficiency which was cited as main reason for bifurcation of States. The other agencies involved clearly indicated the lack of specific information was lost in the red tape of a small state bureaucracy.

The democratic wings of governance instead of strengthening have given way to more cynicism, incompetence and loss of cohesion in making of small sates 

Addition to Irrational View on Mohalla Panchayats

It will be too idealistic and unimaginative to think that Mohalla Sabhas can replace the Municipalities and Municipal Corporations considering the fact that the Town Planning will go haywire if The former are given powers that could undermine the latter. The proper scenario would be that the Mohalla Committees can aid the Big Brother. It should be like  offloading some power and responsibilities to the Sabhas.  In turn it will be beneficial to Municipalities in terms of revenue generation and control.The offloading can of course lead to increase in efficiency.

Garbage collection and it’s disposal has become the obstreperous problem in town and cities today. The collection and disposal has been offloaded to contracts in most of the urban areas .This can very well be brought under preview of Mohalla Sabhas . Doorstep collection can be handed over to the smaller units . This will help these Sabhas to generate revenue too. Point to point collection and disposal in an environmental manner in mass scale can be done by the larger bodies.

Much better can be achieved in ensuring a vigil in the smaller locality if Mohalla Sabhas are given the responsibility of guarding their domain. This aspect of a visible security at door step is totally devoid of our system of municipalities. It can also ease out the pressure of local Police a wee bit.

Similarly maintenance of public amenities like parks, public toilets can be handed over to these small units of Mohalla Sabhas. Micro projects like building of new small public amenities and by lanes can be handed over to Mohalla Sabhas. The process in turn can mitigate red tape ism, corruption and make the working of local bodies more efficient.

Minimal charge on using public amenities aided with a small yearly grant from the municipal bodies can be the main source of revenue for these sabhas. Major  Budgetary allocation by the Municipalities will be with respect in specific works.

A fourth step or 4G democracy can be experimented without much labor pain..

छूटता बंधन

यह ब्लॉग हिंदी के दो पत्रकारों के प्रोत्साहन से ही लिख पाया।  त्रुटियाँ भाषा की और भावनाओ का  कमज़ोर प्रवाह  तो इस layman ब्लॉगर को भी स्पष्ट हैं ,फिर भी इन दोनों कि भेट। 

छः   महीने में दो बार घर जाना पड़ा, काम ही कुछ ऐसा था। दुसरी बार जाने पर चौक पर चाय पीते पता चला कि महेसर चा नहीं रहें। एक झटका सा लगा ,पुछने पर पता चला की सोते समय गुज़र गए।  चौक कि दूसरी दुकान पर मोहम्मद जान चा दिख गए ,बेंच पर अकेले बैठे थे ,अखबार पढ़ते हुए। तुलसी ने बताया की तक़रीबन दस दिन बाद दीखे हैं ज्ञान बाबू चौक पर। दुआ सलाम  करने गया आया कि तो महसूस हो गया कि इनकी लौ भी ज्यादा की न है , जिगरी जो जा चुका है। दोनों की दोस्ती के बारे में और कभी लिखूंगा , फिलहाल तो महेसर चा का चेहरा ऑखों के सामने से हट नहीं रहा।

कानी और चौथी ऊँगली के बीच सिगरेट पकड़ते थे , कश हमेशा लम्बा ही खीचते थे। अस्सी से ऊपर के होंगे पर दिन भर में दस बारह कप बगैर शक्कर वाली चाय पी लेते थे। मजाल है कोई उनसे राजनीति पर बहस करके उन्हें  कुछ नया बता पाये या उनसे जीत पाएं। चौक  के कई दिग्गज ,सूरमा भी घबराते थे उनसे जिरह करने से ,वकालत जो पढ़ी थी उन्होंने। यह अलग बात हैं कि उनकी जिरह कचहरी में उतनी चलती न थी। पुराने साव थे ,बाप दादा कि अर्ज़ी हुयी जायदाद काफी थी।  दुकानों से किराया वसूल कर आराम से गुज़ारा चलाते थे। दो लड़कियाँ है , दोनों  डॉक्टर है दिल्ली में। पत्नी अंग्रेजी कि रिटायर्ड प्रोफेसर हैं और और अपना फ्लैट ले रखा है दिल्ली में हीं , पर महेसर चा टीक नहीं पाते  थे। जब  चाची  या लड़कियां ज़बरदस्ती करती तो चौक पर बिजली, मच्छर  और गंदीगी का बोल ,दिल्ली प्रस्थान करते थे ,पर हफ्ते दिन में फिर वापसी हो जाते  थे । जान  चा कितनी बार उनसे राजनीतिक बहस जीत जाते थे उनके इस भगोड़ेपन का हवाला देकर । चौक पर ये भी हल्ला था कि चाची उनके चाय कि आदत से परेशान होकर उनकी  मोतिहारी भागने कि अर्ज़ी मंज़ूर कर देती थी। मैंने भी एक बार उनसे पूछा था तो मुस्कराते हुए बोले कि कबूतर खाने  में दम घुटता हैं ,डर  लगता है कि कही बालकनी से ढिमला न जाऊ। उसपर से  ससुर टहलने निकलो तो ये  पोस्ट्राट ग्लैंड वाली बीमारी ससुरी और दिल्ली मेंखुले जगह कि किल्लत।

मेर बड़े चाचा को वो अपना मित्र बताते  थे हालाँकि दोनों पक्छ इसपर सहमत न थे। मित्र कहे या मोहल्ले वाला , सुबह कि एक कप चाय हमारे दालान में तो उनकी बनती थी। हाते के अंदर घुसते हुए चिल्लायेंगे "बिरेन्दर बाबु है " , मुव्वकील भी मुसुकुरा उठेंगे। "लिप्टन" वाली चाय का फरमान देकर ,साइड  चेयर पर बैठ कर अंग्रेजी अख़बार को  वसुल लेते  थे  महेसर चा , चाय  में देरी होने पर एक आध बार डाक भी लगा देते थे। हाँ , आते आते  अंग्रेजी का कक भारी भरकम शब्द लाना  न भूलते। बैठते ही चाचा की वोकाबुलरी पर एक सवालिया निशान दाग देते, चाचा उन्हें कुछ मतलब बताते तो सुन लेते पर असन्तुष्टा भी दर्शा देंते । चाय पीते वक़्त एक  बार और  पूछते  , सिगरेट  जलाते  , पीते और आधी बुझाकर  फिर  डिब्बे में  रख  देते। निकलने  के पहले बोलते  " लेकिन  बिरेन्दर बाबु ,आप  उस वर्ड का एक्सैट  तर्जुमा नहीं कर पाए। " चाचा का चेहरा उस  समय देखने लायक होता था।

मेरे  चचेरे भाई साहब  बताते है  कि  सत्तर के दशक में महेसर चा के हाते में हीं दूरदर्शन प्रसार हेतु  और बड़ी वाली डिश एक वैन लगती थी। दो  घंटे का प्रसारण  होता था , सलमा सुल्तान  और जे वी रमण  न्यूज़ पढ़ते थे। प्रारम्भ में मोहल्ले के सम्मानित व्यक्ति भी  उत्सुकता वश जाते थे और बहुत सारी कुर्सिया लगती थी।  धीरे धीरे जब लोगों का जाना कम हो गया तो दो ही  कुर्सिया लगती थी , एक  महेसर चा की  तथा  दुसरे उनके  मित्र जान चा की।

सुना है कि एक बार वार्ड कमिश्नर के चुनाव में अपने ही भाई के विरुद्ध खड़े हो गए महेसर चा।  दोस्तों ने बहुत समझाया , चाची ने यह तक बोला की चाची की  नौकरी  जो  कि मुजफ्फरपुर में थी वहाँ न आयें ,भाईओं  ने  भी समझाया पर  महेसर  चा  अपनी जिद पर  कायम रहें।मेरे चाचा ने समझाने कि कोशिश की  और पिताजी ने उन्हें फ़ोन पर बहुत बुरा भला कहां पर वे अटल रहें।  मोहल्ले के कुछ निट्ठलों ने भड़का दिया था। घर  सदाव्रत  आश्रम में तब्दील हो गया , चाय ,खाना पानी  छुटभैयों की वही जम गयी। भाई पुराने राजनीतिज्ञ थे , महेसर चा पहली बार खड़े हुए थे किसी चुनाव में, मुक़ाबला कैसा।  यही  सोच कर  उनके भाई ने सपत्नीक आपना मत  महेसर भाई को दे दिया। गणना हुई  तो महेसर चा एक मत से जीत गए, पुनर्गणना  कि प्रक्रिया तीन बार हुई लेकिन नतीज़ा बरक़रार  रहा। मोहल्ले के सारें मुफतखोर अभी आगाज़ समझ रहे थे और अगले दिन जश्न की तैय्यारी पर चर्चा में लीन थे,  तभी खबर आयी कि महेसर चा अपने मित्र' मोहम्मद जा चा के  साथ म्युनिसिपेलिटी  कार्यालय में निर्वाचन अधिकारी के साथ मिलकर चौक की ओऱ रवाना हुए हैं , उनके साथ  उनके भाई भी हैं। पता  ये  भी चला लोगों को कि महेसर चा ने म्युनिसिपल बॉडी का सदस्य बनने से इंकार कर दिया था। बड़की अम्मा बताती थी कि उसके बाद वालें दिन महेसर चा  दो बार ग्रीन लेबल वाली लिप्टन चाय की फरमाईश की थी।

Irrational View on Mohalla Panchayats

The blog is dedicated to a noted Economist and a Author of repute who spared his time to the read the unfinished piece. The blogger is well aware of the incoherence in the piece. Still dedicates his crude attempt to the teacher.

Social scientists agree that there is another divide between Urban,Semi Urban India and Rural India. It is not based on economic inequality, literacy or human index . This particular difference in much more relevant than all the factors combined. It borders on limits of existence even after Sixty odd years of Democratic rule.The term which comes most near to describe it is "Measure of Vigilance".

 Some factors which emanate from this "Measure of Vigilance" are right to be heard ,acceptance and duty towards society

 The Gram Sabhas show the real scenario.It has to meet at least twice or thricein a year to approve the annual budget of the gram panchayat and to review the performance of the gram panchayat. Gram sabhas offer the public access to democratic decision making at the grassroots level and it is imperative that all sections of society participate in such meets.These are seldom held on scheduled and if held are done in clandestine manner.Even if Gram Sabhas are held regularly ,most are stage managed.The essence of Panchayti Raj or people involvement as perceived by the Mahtma has been compromised. 

It will not be a exaggeration when one says that Rural India apes the Urban India in this age of communication.

 When AAP promise "Mohalla Sabhas" in its swaraj draft  social scientists and those in favor of decentralized power saw a ray of hope. Though the modalities were far from perfect it was seen as an experiment worth the risk.

Section of Media has phooed this draft bill citing paradigm shift in favour of masses .In an opinion in the Hindustan Times,the author writes that

But these sweeping powers come with no responsibility because one of the clauses states that no suit, prosecution or other legal proceeding can be undertaken against ward sewaks, mohalla sewaks, mohalla sabha representatives and their employees. This blanket legal protection to the members of mohalla sabhas is against AAP’s commitment to transparency and accountability in public governance. - See more at: http://www.hindustantimes.com/comment/aap-s-mohalla-sabha-proposal-is-impractical-for-cities-like-delhi/article1-1182373.aspx#sthash.ogVxbxTo.dpuf.

 After the deepening of democratic norms most of the established democracies face the challenge of expansion. This involves applying the basic principle of democratic government across all the regions, different social groups and institutions. Ensuring greater power to local government is one way to cope up with the challenge of expansion. Whenever possible ,citizens should be able to participate in decision making, that affects them . One of the basic outcome of democracy should be that it produces a government that is responsive to the needs and expectations of the citizens.

The three tier governance when enforced in India paid  more importance to Village Gram Panchayats more that the Urban,semi Urban Municipal system. The genesis of non so successful local governance seems to lie in the sequence in which it was implemented. Implementation of Sabhas  in Mohallas and wards before Grams could have given better results .The success or the shortcomings of these Sabhas could have easily fine tuned the implementation of Three Tier Governance.

 Planning of small infrastructure with little help from expertise can be handed over to Mohalla Sabhas . The success of a well thought Plan depends on the succeeding actions like Do,Check and Act only. The centralized planning as practiced in our part of world has inherent pitfalls. Even the small plans are executed  verified and audited by different agencies . Mohalla Sabha can very well be an answer to bring equilibrium between PDCA cycle.

In general terms,it will mean nurturing and strengthening those institutions that help people’s participation and control. It also will be perceived as an attempt to bring down the control and influence of the rich and powerful people in decision making. It can also help in removing alienation of the people.

Reduction in corruption and better administrative control are other benefits the Mohalla Sabhas can ensure other than propagation of true Democracy,pioneering of efficient Gram Sabha and removal of alienation.

 It is true that the bill needs fine tuning on many accounts regards the responsibility of “Mohalla Sabhas”. A nation wide debate on this can be started. We should focus on the debate to better the draft through deliberations and suggestion. Onus of Media and ideologues should be fore mount in this debate.

Aping will follow in GramSabha naturally

The Other Experiment Of Mahatma

Mahatma reached India via London in January 1915 midst some hoopla. Reception by the various organizations and lectures were order of the day during the year. In the same year He was  awarded Kaiser-i-Hind Gold Medal for Ambulance services at a function in Poona (which he duly returned to the Government in 1921).Meanwhile in March ,Gopal Krishna Gokhale died.Mahatma was always active in Servants of India Society. Towards the end of 1915 the Mahatma become involved with the Indian National Congress.

The upper echelons of Congress were not too impressed by his methods of achieving the goals. Mahatma’s non-cooperation and his idea of Swaraj did not stir the Congress. Most of the office bearers of Congress believed that India was too complex to undergo the experiment. It must have left Mahatma perplexed on working of the Congress.He was more of a silent observant  of Indian Politics during 1916. The thirty-first session of the Indian National 

Congress met at Lucknow in December, 1916. It was efforts of Mahatma that Lokamanya Tilak for the first time attended the Congress with his followers since the Surat split.Still he remained an outsider in the the ideologue of Congress. He realized that he to develop a local network of friends.His intelligence forbade him to get deeply involved with the Congress till he could present a couple of success stories. Champaran presented him the ideal grounds for testing his methods in India. 

Champaran lies in North West of Bihar and was called a “Bowl of Rice by the colonists. The fertile land was being forced to grow Indigo. Indigo cultivation was done on  Zerait i.e., departmental cultivation under their direct supervision and Asamiwar i.e., cultivation through cultivators or tenants. Out of this nearly one fourth was cultivated under the Zerait system and the remaining was cultivated under the Asamiwar, that is, the tinhathia system. The area under indigo cultivation fell to 47,800 acres and in 1914 to 8,100 acres. In 1914 war was declared between Germany and England and the import of  German dyes ceased. Indigo began to look up once again, and the planters increased its cultivation.

Owners got the tenant to cultivate indigo in a portion of his holding for which a fixed price was paid. Portion so reserved for indigo used to be 5 kathas per bigha or one fourth of the tenant’s holding. Sometime later, about 1867, this area was reduced from 5 kathas to 3 kathas per bigha. Since then the system came to be known as tinkathia (or the system of three kathas) .Bapahi-Putahi,Marwach ,Sagaura were many taxes levied by the factories operating in the areas.

Suppressed by the ruthless militias of the landlords (mostly British), they were given measly compensation, leaving them in extreme poverty. Now in the throes of a devastating famine, the British levied an oppressive tax which they insisted on increasing in rate. Without food and without money, the situation was growing progressively unlivable and the peasants revolted against conditions in indigo plant cultivation in 1914 at Pipra. The farmers and indentured labors protested in a way unique in itself.The protests were non violent and  based on non co operation. The protest of the poor fizzed out early due to economic plight and lack of subsistence.

The movement again rose it’s head at Turkaulia in 1916. It was again based on non violent protest by serfs based on non co operation.It continued little longer than the first failed attempt at Pipra.

At the thirty-first session of the Indian National Congress held  at Lucknow in December, 1916,Raj Kumar Shukla ,an Indigo cultivator tried to persuade Mahatma to come to Champaran. The Mahatma seemed reluctant at first as he felt that the backwaters of Bihar were not prepared for Satyagraha. However when Ram Kumar Shukla narrated the means adopted by the farmers to protest,the Mahtama agreed wholeheartedly to visit Champaran.

He visited Calcutta between January 1917 and April 1917 but due to lack of communication with Ram Kumar Shukla resulting from postal delays could not make it Champaran. The former knew that it was the only chance left with the farmers and serfs. On next visit to Calcutta the Mahatma arrived in Champaran  on 10th April 1917 accompanied with Dr.Rajendra Prasad,Brajkishore Prasad,Anugrah Narayan Singh,Acharya Kriplani(a professor at Muzzafarpur that time), Mahadeo Desai, Deen Bandhu C.F.Andrews, H. S. Pollock, Raj Kishore Prasad, Ram Nawami Prasad,Shambhu Sharan, Ramshri Dev Trivedi and Dharnidhar Prasad.

The rest they say is history in annals of Indian freedom